sábado, 10 de agosto de 2013

Libros y enlaces sobre los Derechos Económicos Sociales y Culturaes en Sudáfrica




Los dejo con la reseña del International Journal of Constitutional Law de la Universidad de Oxford de enero de 2013 en donde se da cuenta del nuevo libro de Sandra Liebenberg sobre los Derechos Económicos Sociales y Culturales (DESC) en Sudáfrica. También con esta página de Stellenbosch University en Sudáfrica que maneja un proyecto sobre DESC en todo el mundo aquí. Otros de los libros sobre la temática de los DESC editado por Liebenberg se titula "Law and Poverty: Perspectives from South Africa and Beyond" aquí. 



Sandra Liebenberg. Socio-Economic Rights. Adjudication under a Transformative Constitution. Claremont: Juta, 2010. xxv + 541 pages. US$ 75. ISBN: 9780702184802.

Every so often time and place and effort con- verge to bring about something transformative in law’s promise to justice. And every so often, a discrete book stands in to document, theorize, contextualize, and even help to cre- ate this shift. If South Africa’s entrenchment of justiciable economic and social rights represents such a legal transformation, Sandra Liebenberg’s Socio Economic Rights: Adjudication under a Transformative Constitution has all the makings of such a book. 

Of course, South Africa’s post-apartheid Constitution of 1996 has produced a rich literature across many fields of law,1 but this book is distinct in the way that it focuses on the constitutional ambition to realize economic and social rights against a backdrop of endemic poverty and inequality, a theme that is used to orient the broader court-led legal changes that are now authorized and mandated under these provisions.

Perhaps unexpectedly, in light of this undertaking, this is a lawyer’s book. Liebenberg provides a close engagement with South Africa’s evolving case law, being attentive to both its aims and its limitations. One quickly perceives the two major challenges that face the South African Constitutional Court in being called upon to adjudicate economic and social rights: poverty (how best to address it) and democracy (how best to respect it). In 541 pages, Liebenberg provides a history of the drafting of economic and social rights, of which she was, as technical advisor to the Constitutional Assembly’s “Theme Committee” on Fundamental Rights, a participant. She presents a tour of the current models, both theoretical and institutional, for economic and social rights entrenchment and enforcement. She describes the emergence of certain fixed points in the South African Con- stitutional Court’s economic and social rights jurisprudence: its original approach to “reasonableness review,” which is given exten- sive treatment in chapter 4, and to the forms of constitutional redress which Liebenberg labels “responsive remedies,” in the highly instructive chapter 8. 

In these two aspects of its jurisprudence, the Constitutional Court has engaged in a standards-based assessment of economic and social rights complaints, drawing from constitutional and administrative law examples of scrutiny and reasoning, and disparate doctrines from fields such as alternative dispute resolution and labor law. 

Under a Transformative Constitution will not tell us whether the Occupy Wall Street or anti- austerity movements will adopt the economic and social rights discourse, or whether such a strategy would likely bring success. It will not tell us whether global efforts to curb growing inequality, within the United Nations human rights system, the Millennium Development Goals infrastructure, the World Trade Organization, or the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, will benefit from a careful adoption of economic and social rights. It will not even tell us whether South Africa’s laud- able constitutional aims will succeed.

Nonetheless, this book certainly provides some informed clues about these questions. For the observers of current fiscal policy protests, Liebenberg’s study of the “struggle for recognition” in chapter 1 is illuminating. In providing the history and context of the inclusion of justiciable economic and social rights in the South African Constitution, from the anti-apartheid struggle to the current apartheid legacy, this chapter emphasizes the social dynamics from which economic and social rights emerge. Indeed, the entrenchment of economic and social rights followed an uncer- tain path, as opposition was taken, for distinct reasons, by commentators on both the right and the left.While a consensus towards economic and social rights, as a path to safeguard democracy and equality, emerged, this was not from a straightforward application of the antiapartheid Freedom Charter or the influence of international human rights law. Liebenberg’s delicate treatment of the nonlinear acceptance of such rights is suggestive of the current uncertainties, as well as potential resolutions, of current protest movements.

For the observers of global efforts to address inequality and extreme poverty, her analysis of the innovation of “reasonableness review” provides useful instructions for other adjudicatory or supervisory arrangements, whether for international courts and committees, or for national courts, like those in Latin America, South Asia, and other jurisdictions, which are increasingly embracing economic and social rights.The United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in particular, will benefit from the lessons of South Africa as it begins to consider communications under the new Optional Protocol on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, now ratified by eight State Parties and only two ratifications short of entry into force.As Liebenberg presents it, reasonableness review is a judicial approach that combines seemingly transparent criteria with normative flexibility. In asking whether governments have behaved reasonably, the approach inquires into how programs are resourced, how they are coordinated, how they balance short, medium and long term needs, and how they respect human dignity (pp. 151–157). She suggests that this standard of review can provide an answer to the quagmires of progressive realization and non-retrogression, and to the conundrums of the so-called minimum core. Indeed, that the Optional Protocol itself names reasonableness as a relevant standard,rather than minimum core obligations or other thresholds, suggests that South Africa’s doctrinal experience will


1 See, e.g., Albie sachs, the strange alchemy of life and law (2009) (a prominent example from South Africa); mark s. kende, constitutional rights in two worlds: south africa and the united states (2009) (an explicitly comparative example).
This has been achieved with close reference to international and comparative law, as required by the Constitution (§ 39), and with an inclusiveness of sources that Adjudication under a Transformative Constitution seeks to document and to emulate.
Substantively, Liebenberg provides a study of the constitutional rights to have access to education (§ 29), children’s rights (§ 28), and detainees’ rights (§ 35). Chapter 5 outlines the main conceptual challenges to the effective operation of these rights (such as the language dimensions of education, or the family’s role in protecting children’s rights), and the Constitutional Court’s current approaches to addressing them. Liebenberg also describes the right to access health care, social security and water (§ 27), through the lens of “reasonableness review,” although she does not entertain the different legal challenges that are raised by these disparate rights and their at times distinctive beneficiaries (and constituencies).2 It is in her treatment of the right to housing and evictions cases (under § 26) that her analysis (like the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence) signals the greatest development that the constitutionalization of economic and social rights has effected in South African law. Her close analysis of a “new paradigm for evictions law” and of “socio-economic rights in private law,” in chapters 6 and 7, indicates how the right to access housing can change the dynamics of a government’s housing policy, as well as the legal options available for private mortgages, tenancies and property investment decisions.
To those seeking a prediction of whether economic and social rights can provide a solu- tion to increasing inequality and mass pov- erty, this book offers no answer. Adjudication
2 A proposal to separate the application of such rights in South Africa, especially the right to health care, has been made by david bilchitz, poverty and fundamental rights: the Justification and enforcement of socio-economic rights (2007). See also health & democracy: a guide to human rights, health law and policy in post-apartheid south africa (Adila Hassim, Mark Heywood & Jonathan Berger eds., 2007).
Book Reviews 271
4 See, e.g., the edited collections, exploring social rights: between theory and practice (Daphne Barak-Erez & Aeyal M. Gross eds., 2007); courting social Justice: Judicial enforcement of social and economic rights in the developing world (Varun Gauri & Daniel M. Brinks eds., 2008); courts and social transformation in new democracies: an institutional voice for the poor? (Roberto Gargarella, Pilar Domingo & Theunis Roux eds., 2006).
5 Optional Protocol to the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, G.A. Res. 63/117, UN Doc. A/RES/63/117 (10 December 2008). Its eight State Parties include Argentina, Bolivia, Bosnia and Herzogovina, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mongolia, Slovakia, and Spain. There are 40 signatories (as of May 28, 2012), http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV- 3-a&chapter=4&lang=en.
6 Id. art. 8(4).

miércoles, 7 de agosto de 2013

Derecho a la Carta No 66. Derecho y Globalización con Victor Ramraj


Profesor Victor Ramraj, Dr. Mauricio Pérez y Dr. Mauricio Baquero


Javier Pabón Reverend en la traducción

En Derecho a la Carta nos acompañó el Decano de la Universidad  Nacional de Singapur (NSU), profesor Victor Ramraj quien nos habló sobre Derecho y Globalización en un reciente trabajo que esta realizando en la Universidad, específicamente sobre el cambio de rol del Estado y del derecho constitucional. Entrevistan Mauricio Pérez, Decano de la Facultad de Economía del Externado, Mauricio Baquero del Departamento de Derecho Financiero y Bursátil, Nicolás Lozada desde Ginebra - Suiza y Gonzalo Ramírez. Traduce Javier Pabón Reverend. Biografía del profesor Ramraj aquí. 







viernes, 2 de agosto de 2013


MAESTRIA EN GOBIERNO MUNICIPAL
TALLER No 2 (2 de agosto de 2013)
G-705

Área de Formación común “Globalización y Derecho”
Profesor: Gonzalo A. Ramírez Cleves

1.     Teniendo en cuenta la noticia explique si se trata de un fenómeno de pluralismo jurídico, transnacionalización o transpolación de un sistema jurídico, la participación de nuevos actores y espacios, homogenización del derecho, “turismo de derecho”, “derecho a la carta”, privatización del derecho, jurisprudencialización del derecho, adaptación del derecho al proceso de globalización, fortalecimiento de derechos o surgimiento de nuevos derechos. (Explicar la noticia brevemente y explicar porqué razones se puede encuadrar en uno o varios de los conceptos de globalización del derecho)

2.     En febrero 24 de 2012 la Corte Interamericana en el caso Attala vs. Chile estableció que las personas del mismo sexo no pueden ser discriminadas por su orientación sexual (Fundamentos Jurídicos 84 a 93 especialmente) y que la patria potestad de un niño en cabeza de una pareja del mismo sexo no afecta el interés superior del niño (Fundamentos Jurídicos 100 – 145). Explique cómo en dicha sentencia se evidencia la sinergia o relación reciproca (diálogo entre jueces) entre el derecho interno y derecho internacional.

Ver Sentencia:

3.     Algunos de los autores que analizan la relación entre Globalización y derecho consideran que el derecho internacional va a ser la base para una eventual formación de un Derecho Global. ¿Cuáles son las criticas que se pueden hacer a dicha posición?

4.     El pasado primero de abril la Corte Suprema de la India en el caso de la farmacéutica de origen suizo Novartis decidió no patentar su medicamento anticancerígeno Gilvec por que consideró que no era una innovación. Explique cómo dicha decisión local puede llegar a influir en una eventual regulación global sobre los medicamentos genéricos y las patentes.

Noticia en inglés con la Sentencia en la India

David contra Goliat

India Salvaguardia su condición de Farmacia de los pobres

5.     Teniendo en cuenta el énfasis de su Maestría en Gobierno Municipal ¿Cuál puede ser la importancia de la introducción de la idea de Globalización y Derecho e indique un ejemplo concreto de dicha relación?

jueves, 1 de agosto de 2013


Bentham and Colombia

By Kris Grint, on 29 July 2013
Bentham and Colombia posterIn July 2013 we welcomed Professor Gonzalo Ramírez from the Universidad Externado de Colombia to the Bentham Project as part ofUCL’s International Teaching Excellence Bursary Scheme. In the course of his stay, Professor Ramírez  delivered two fascinating seminars on the subject of Jeremy Bentham and the influence of his philosophy on Colombia.
Professor Ramírez’s first seminar attracted scholars from a wide range of disciplines, from legal philosophers and historians to to those with interests in South American studies. Commencing with an overview of the constitutional history of nineteenth-century Colombia, Professor Ramírez went on to trace the specific influence of Bentham’s thought on this topic. Although Bentham himself never visited Latin America, his philosophy was diffused via the Spanish translation of Dumont’s Traités (published in 1821) and through his extensive correspondence with important Latin American political figures, such as General Francisco de Miranda, Simón Bolívar and Francisco de Paula Santander. The seminar also included a survey of scholarly work which has hitherto focused on Bentham and Colombia, and several hints at where future research should be directed. We are excited to see where this line of study will take Professor Ramírez in the hopefully not-too-distant future!
Gonzalo Ramírez at UCL
In the second seminar, focus switched from the historical to the pedagogical, with Professor Ramírez discussing the novel teaching methods he has employed whilst teaching a course on Bentham at the Universidad Externado de Colombia. Highlighting the use ofblogs, social media and podcasts, Professor Ramírez offered valuable advice on how to adopt and utilize these new technologies for teaching purposes. Indeed, perhaps the most impressive feature of the Colombian Bentham course is the weekly podcast produced by the students, which both builds upon the ideas discussed in the seminars and allows distant learners to develop a taste for Bentham scholarship. The seminar also featured a video of Professor Philip Schofield’s (Director of the Bentham Project) recent Skype appearance at the Universidad Externado de Colombia – another example of the innovative use of new technology in academic teaching.
The Bentham Project wishes to thank Professor Ramírez for his excellent contributions whilst at UCL and Ciarán Moynihan and Lorraine Dardis at UCL’s Office for International Affairsfor their assistance in organizing the visit.
View or download the slides for these seminars: Bentham and Colombia slides 1 | Bentham and Colombia slides 2

Bibliografía sobre el Paternalismo Jurídico




Les recomiendo lo siguiente para el tema del Paternalismo Jurídico:

Paternalismo jurídico


- Ernesto Garzón Valdés "¿Es éticamente justificable el paternalismo jurídico?", Doxa 5, 1988, pp. 155- 173  aqui. 


 - Ernesto Garzón Valdés y Manuel Atienza: El concepto y la justificación del Paternalismo jurídico  aquí. 

- Miguel Ángel Ramiro, "A vueltas con el paternalismo jurídico", en: Derechos y Libertades, No 15, junio 2006, pp. 211 - 256  aquí. 

También este Post de "Mi amor por Nussbaum y los delitos contra uno mismo" aquí. 

Por último el término "Paternalism" en Stanford Encyclopedia. Abajo en inglés y aquídirectamente de la fuente. 

Paternalism

First published Wed Nov 6, 2002; substantive revision Tue Jun 1, 2010
Paternalism is the interference of a state or an individual with another person, against their will, and defended or motivated by a claim that the person interfered with will be better off or protected from harm. The issue of paternalism arises with respect to restrictions by the law such as anti-drug legislation, the compulsory wearing of seatbelts, and in medical contexts by the withholding of relevant information concerning a patient's condition by physicians. At the theoretical level it raises questions of how persons should be treated when they are less than fully rational.

1. Introduction

The government requires people to contribute to a pension system (Social Security). It requires motorcyclists to wear helmets. It forbids people from swimming at a public beach when lifeguards are not present. It forbids the sale of various drugs deemed to be ineffective. It forbids the sale of various drugs believed to be harmful. It does not allow consent to certain forms of assault to be a defense against prosecution for that assault.
The civil law does not allow the enforcement of certain kinds of contracts, e.g. for gambling debts. It requires minors to have blood transfusions even if their religious beliefs forbid it. Persons may be civilly committed if they are a danger to themselves.
Doctors do not tell their patients the truth about their medical condition. A physician may tell the wife of a man whose car went off a bridge into the water and drowned that he died instantly when in fact he died a rather ghastly death.
A husband may hide the sleeping pills from a depressed wife. A philosophy department may require a student to take logic courses.
A teacher may be less than honest about telling a student that he has little philosophical ability.
All of these rules, policies, and actions may be done for various reasons; may be justified by various considerations. When they are justified solely on the grounds that the person affected would be better off, or would be less harmed, as a result of the rule, policy, etc., and the person in question would prefer not to be treated this way, we have an instance of paternalism.
As the examples indicate the question of paternalism is one that arises in many different areas of our personal and public life. As such, it is an important realm of applied ethics. But it also raises certain theoretical issues. Perhaps the most important is: what powers it is legitimate for a state, operating both coercively and in terms of incentives, to possess. It also raises questions about the proper ways in which individuals, either in an institutional or purely personal setting, should relate to one another. How should we think about individual autonomy and its limits? What is it to respect the personhood of others? What is the trade-off, if any, between regard for the welfare of another and respect for their right to make their own decisions?
This entry examines some of the conceptual issues involved in analyzing paternalism, and then discusses the normative issues concerning the legitimacy of paternalism by the state and various civil institutions.

2. Conceptual Issues

The analysis of paternalism involves at least the following elements. It involves some kind of limitation on the freedom or autonomy of some agent and it does so for a particular class of reasons. As with many other concepts used in normative debate determining the exact boundaries of the concept is a contested issue.
And as often is the case the first question is whether the concept itself is normative or descriptive. Is application of the concept a matter for empirical determination, so that if two people disagree about the application to a particular case they are disagreeing about some matter of fact or of definition? Or does their disagreement reflect different views about the legitimacy of the application in question?
While it is clear that for some to characterize a policy as paternalistic is to condemn or criticize it, that does not establish that the term itself is an evaluative one. As a matter of methodology it is preferable to see if some concept can be defined in non-normative terms and only if that fails to capture the relevant phenomena to accept a normative definition.
I suggest the following conditions as an analysis of X acts paternalistically towards Y by doing (omitting) Z:
  1. Z (or its omission) interferes with the liberty or autonomy of Y.
  2. X does so without the consent of Y.
  3. X does so just because Z will improve the welfare of Y (where this includes preventing his welfare from diminishing), or in some way promote the interests, values, or good of Y.
Condition one is the trickiest to capture. Clear cases include threatening bodily compulsion, lying, withholding information that the person has a right to have, or imposing requirements or conditions. But what about the following case? A father, skeptical about the financial acumen of a child, instead of bequeathing the money directly, gives it to another child with instructions to use it in the best interests of the first child. The first child has no legal claim on the inheritance. There does not seem to be an interference with the child's liberty nor on most conceptions the child's autonomy.
Or consider the case of a wife who hides her sleeping pills so that her potentially suicidal husband cannot use them. Her act may satisfy the second and third conditions but what about the first? Does her action limit the liberty or autonomy of her husband?
The second condition is supposed to be read as distinct from acting against the consent of an agent. The agent may neither consent nor not consent. He may, for example, be unaware of what is being done to him. There is also the distinct issue of whether one acts not knowing about the consent of the person in question. Suppose the person in fact consents but this is not known to the paternaliser.
The third condition also can be complicated. There may be more than one reason for interfering with Y. In addition to concern for the welfare of Y there may be concern for how Y's actions may affect third-parties. Is the “just for” condition too strong? Or what about the case where a legislature passes a legal rule for paternalistic reasons but there are sufficient non-paternalistic reasons to justify passage of the rule?
If, in order to decide on any of the above issues, one must decide a normative issue, e.g. does someone have a right to some information, then the concept is not purely descriptive. Ultimately the question of how to refine the conditions, and what conditions to use, is a matter for philosophical judgment. The term “paternalism” as used in ordinary contexts may be too amorphous for thinking about particular normative issues. One should decide upon an analysis based on a hypothesis of what will be most useful for thinking about a particular range of problems. One might adopt one analysis in the context of doctors and patients and another in the context of whether the state should ban unhealthy foods.
Given some particular analysis of paternalism there will be various normative views about when paternalism is justified. The following terminology is useful.

Hard vs. soft paternalism

Soft paternalism is the view that the only conditions under which state paternalism is justified is when it is necessary to determine whether the person being interfered with is acting voluntarily and knowledgeably. To use Mill's famous example of the person about to walk across a damaged bridge, if we could not communicate the danger (he speaks only Japanese) a soft paternalist would justify forcibly preventing him from crossing the bridge in order to determine whether he knows about its condition. If he knows, and wants to, say, commit suicide he must be allowed to proceed. A hard paternalist says that, at least sometimes, it may be permissible to prevent him from crossing the bridge even if he knows of its condition. We are entitled to prevent voluntary suicide.

Broad vs. narrow paternalism

A narrow paternalist is only concerned with the question of state coercion, i.e. the use of legal coercion. A broad paternalist is concerned with any paternalistic action: state, institutional (hospital policy), or individual.

Weak vs. strong paternalism

A weak paternalist believes that it is legitimate to interfere with the means that agents choose to achieve their ends, if those means are likely to defeat those ends. So if a person really prefers safety to convenience then it is legitimate to force them to wear seatbelts. A strong paternalist believes that people may be mistaken or confused about their ends and it is legitimate to interfere to prevent them from achieving those ends. If a person really prefers the wind rustling through their hair to increased safety it is legitimate to make them wear helmets while motorcycling because their ends are irrational or mistaken. Another way of putting this: we may interfere with mistakes about the facts but not mistakes about values. So if a person tries to jump out of a window believing he will float gently to the ground we may restrain him. If he jumps because he believes that it is important to be spontaneous we may not.

Pure vs. impure paternalism

Suppose we prevent persons from manufacturing cigarettes because we believe they are harmful to consumers. The group we are trying to protect is the group of consumers not manufacturers (who may not be smokers at all). Our reason for interfering with the manufacturer is that he is causing harm to others. Nevertheless the basic justification is paternalist because the consumer consents (assuming the relevant information is available to him) to the harm. It is not like the case where we prevent manufacturers from polluting the air. In pure paternalism the class being protected is identical with the class being interfered with, e.g. preventing swimmers from swimming when lifeguards are not present. In the case of impure paternalism the class of persons interfered with is larger than the class being protected.

Moral vs. welfare paternalism

The usual justification for paternalism refers to the interests of the person being interfered with. These interests are defined in terms of the things that make a person's life go better; in particular their physical and psychological condition. It is things like death or misery or painful emotional states which are in question. Sometimes, however, advocates of state intervention seek to protect the moral welfare of the person. So, for example, it may be argued that prostitutes are better off being prevented from plying their trade even if they make a decent living and their health is protected against disease. They are better off because it is morally corrupting to sell one's sexual services. The interference is justified, therefore, to promote the moral well-being of the person. This then can be called moral paternalism. Still another distinction within moral paternalism is between interferences to improve a person's moral character, and hence her well-being, and interferences to make someone a better person—even if her life does not go better for her as a result.
Finally, it is important to distinguish paternalism, whether welfare or moral, from other ideas used to justify interference with persons; even cases where the interference is not justified in terms of protecting or promoting the interests of others. In particular moral paternalism should be distinguished from legal moralism, i.e. the idea that certain ways of acting are morally wrong or degrading and may be prohibited. So, for example, the barroom “sport” of dwarf tossing (where dwarfs who are paid, and are protected with helmets, etc. participate in contests to see who can throw them furthest) might be thought to be legitimately prohibited. Not because the dwarf is injured in any way, not because the dwarf corrupts himself by agreeing to participate in such activities, but simply because the activity is morally degrading and wrong.
To be sure it is not always easy to distinguish between legal moralism and moral paternalism. If one believes, as Plato does, that acting wrongly damages the soul of the agent, then it will be possible to invoke moral paternalism rather than legal moralism. What is important is that there are two distinct justifications that are possible; one appealing to the mere immorality of the conduct interfered with, the other to the harm done to the agent's character.

3. Normative Issues

Is there a burden of proof attached to paternalism? Does the paternalist or anti-paternalist have to give a reason for their action? As we have seen the analysis of paternalism seems to cut both ways. It is an interference with liberty which might be thought to place the burden of proof on the paternalist. It is an act intended to produce good for the agent which might be thought to place the burden of proof on those who object to paternalism. It might be thought, as Mill did, that the burden of proof is different depending on who is being treated paternalistically. If it is a child then the assumption is that, other things being equal, the burden of proof is on those who resist paternalism. If it is an adult of sound mind the presumption is reversed.
Suppose we start from the presumption that paternalism is wrong. The question becomes under what, if any, circumstances, can the presumption be overcome? The possible answers are “under no circumstances”, “under some circumstances”, and “under any circumstances”
The last seems very implausible. Essentially it is the view that the fact that an act is (intended to be) beneficial for a person, and does not affect or violate the interests of others, settles the question of whether it may be done. Only a view which ignores the means by which good is promoted, and the ethical status of such means, can hold this. Any sensible view has to distinguish between good done to agents at their request or with their consent, and good thrust upon them against their will.
So the normative options seem to be just two. Either we are never permitted to do good for others against their wishes, and in ways which limit their liberty, or we are permitted to do so.
Why might one think that at least the state may never do so? One might think so because of various beliefs about the impossibility of in fact doing good for people against their will or because one thinks that although possible to do good it is in fact inconsistent with some normative standard which ought to prevail.
With respect to the impossibility question one might believe either that it is not possible to do any good by acting paternalistically or that although it is possible to do some good the process will (almost) always produce bads which outweigh the good.
If one thought that almost)always more harm than good is done by the state when it acts paternalistically this raises the question of whether we can distinguish the conditions in which (rarely) more good than harm is done and build that into our guidelines. If this is possible,and so distinguishing does not create further harms which outweigh the good produced, and we think, the only issue is good promotion we should sometimes be paternalists. If it is impossible to distinguish the “good” from the “bad” cases then, at least if we are rule consequentialists, we ought not to have such a rule; and we ought not to try and make the distinctions on a case by case basis.
But one might believe that the question of whether more good than harm is produced is not simply an empirical one. It depends on our understanding of the good of persons. If the good simply included items such as longer life, greater health, more income, or less depression, then it makes it look like an empirical issue. But if we conceive of the good of individuals as including items such as being respected as an independent agent, having a right to make decisions for oneself, or having one's autonomy not infringed, then the issue of whether the agent is better off after being paternalised is partly a normative matter. One might believe that one cannot make people better off by infringing their autonomy in the same way that some people believe one cannot make a person better off by putting them in a Nozickian experience machine (one in which they are floating in a tank but seem to be having all kinds of wonderful experiences). Compare Mill's statement that “…a man's mode of laying out his own existence is best not because it is the best in itself, but because it is his own mode…” (1859, Chapter III).
Kantian views are frequently absolutistic in their objections to paternalism. On these views we must always respect the rational agency of other persons. To deny an adult the right to make their own decisions, however mistaken from some standpoint they are, is to treat them as simply means to their own good, rather than as ends in themselves. In a way anti-paternalism is already incorporated into Kantian theories by their prohibition against lying and force—the main instruments of paternalistic interference. Since these instrumentalities are already denied even to prevent individuals from harming others, they will certainly be forbidden to prevent them from harming themselves. Of course, one may object to the former absolutism while accepting the latter.
If one believes that sometimes paternalism is justifiable one may do so for various kinds of theoretical reasons. The broadest is simply consequentialist, i.e. more good than harm is produced. A narrower justification is that sometimes the individuals (long-run) autonomy is advanced by restricting his autonomy (short-run). So one might prevent people from taking mind-destroying drugs on the grounds that allowing them to do so destroys their autonomy and preventing them from doing so preserves it. This is essentially Mill's argument against allowing people to contract into slavery. Note that if the theory of the good associated with a particular consequentialism is broad enough, i.e., includes autonomy as one of the goods, it can be equivalent to the autonomy theory (assuming that the structure of the autonomy view is a maximizing one).
A different theoretical basis is (moral) contractualism. On this view if there are cases of justified paternalism they are justified on the basis that we (all of us) would agree to such interference, given suitable knowledge and suitable motivation. So, for instance, it might be argued that since we know we are subject to depression we all would agree, at least, to short-term anti-suicide interventions, to determine whether we are suffering from such a condition, and to attempt to cure it. More generally, we might accept what Feinberg called “soft paternalism.” This is the view that when we are not acting fully voluntarily it is permissible to intervene to provide information, or to point out defects in our rationality, but that if we then do make a voluntary choice it must be respected. Or we might agree to being forced to wear seat-belts knowing our disposition to discount future benefits for present ones. The justification here is neither consequentialist nor based simply on the preservation of autonomy. Rather either kind of consideration may be taken into account, as well as others, in determining what we would reasonably agree to.

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  • Sartorius, R., 1983, Paternalism, Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Shiffrin, Seanna, 2000, “Paternalism, Unconscionability Doctrine, and Accommodation,” Philosophy & Public Affairs, 29: 205–250.
  • Sunstein, Cass and Richard Thaler, 2003, “Libertarian Paternalism is Not an Oxymoron,” The University of Chicago Law Review, 70: 1166–1187.
  • VanDeVeer, D., 1986, Paternalistic Intervention, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Other Internet Resources

[Please contact the author with suggestions.]

Related Entries

Sobre Reglas y Principios

Un buen video sobre la distinción entre Reglas y Principios de Juan Luis Manero en la Universidad de Valencia:



Y la LECTURA: ATIENZA, Manuel y RUIZ MANERO, Juan, "Sobre Principios y Reglas", en: Doxa 10,1991, pp. 101 - 120. aqui. 

sábado, 29 de junio de 2013

Listo para las charlas en UCL el 11 y el 18 de julio de 2013 sobre Jeremías Bentham en Colombia


Gracias a la invitación de la University College of London (UCL) y el Bentham Project dirigido por Philip Schofield viajaré proximamente a Londres para impartir dos conferencias relacionadas con el pensador inglés. La primera sobre la "Influencia del pensamiento de Bentham en Colombia durante el siglo XIX" que se realizará el 11 de julio a las 2:00 p.m en el Bentham Project y la segunda  "Cómo enseñar a Bentham a través de los recursos de Internet y las nuevas tecnologías" que realizaré el 18 de julio en el mismo lugar a la misma hora (2.00 p.m Seminar Room 5 Gideo Schreir Wing Bentham House. Para reservar escribir a: (k.grint@ucl.ac.uk)). Espero mucha concurrencia de colombianos interesados. El link del Bentham Project aqui. 

Bentham and Colombia

Bentham and Colombia Summer Seminar Series
All are warmly invited to intend the Bentham Project's Summer seminar series entitled 'Bentham and Colombia'.
The seminars will be given by Professor Gonzalo Ramírez from the Universidad Externado de Colombia, who has been awarded a bursary under UCL's International Teaching Excellence Bursary Scheme.
Thursday 11th July: The Influence of Bentham on Colombia during the 19th Century.
Thursday 18th July: Teaching the influence of Bentham on Colombia through new technologies and Internet resources.
The seminars will take place from 2pm in Seminar Room 5 of the Gideon Schreier Wing of Bentham House.
Professor Ramírez will discuss the topic of Bentham and Colombia in two distinct ways. His first seminar will concentrate on Bentham's influence on Colombia during the 19th Century. In his second seminar he will explore how this influence can be taught through new approaches and methods, such as via the use of Internet resources.
The seminars are free to attend and open to all. For further information or to RSVP please email the seminar organizer Kris Grint (k.grint@ucl.ac.uk). Alternatively, you can confirm your attendance directly at our Eventbrite page.